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Casting a vote over whether to authorize military action may be
the most difficult decision a member of Congress is asked to make.
It certainly is for me. No matter who the opponent or what the circumstances,
the consequence of a collective "yes" vote likely will be the loss
of life. But failure to act holds the potential of even more terrible
outcomes. Such a vote presents an excruciating moral dilemma.
For the past year, our nation has been engaged in a great civic
debate. How do we protect our nation from those who would do us
harm? How can we ensure the safety of our children and grandchildren
here and around the world? Should we take action against potentially
hostile nations? These are questions without simple answers.
President George W. Bush asked Congress to grant him the authority
to take military action against Saddam Hussein and his regime in
Iraq as part of our war on terrorism. No member of Congress takes
such a request lightly. We may have different views and concerns,
but each of us deals with this issue very seriously and solemnly.
On such issues, persons are often characterized as hawks or doves.
I am neither. Instead, I seek to be wise as an owl. I listened to
the concerns voiced by many of my constituents. I wrote President
Bush informing him of their concerns and seeking answers to their
questions and mine. I studied Saddam Hussein and his past actions.
I sought and received extensive briefings from National Security
Adviser Condoleezza Rice, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, the
Central Intelligence Agency and others. And, because of my scientific
background, I also received a detailed scientific briefing from
civilian officials at the Pentagon about Saddam Hussein's weapons
capabilities.
This information has convinced me of several things. Saddam Hussein
continues to have dangerous, warlike ambitions. He is Hitler-like
in his methods of repression, especially in gassing his own people.
He has thumbed his nose at the United Nations by evicting inspectors
and using the UN's "oil-for-food" program to fund weapons rather
than feed his impoverished people.
Saddam Hussein continues, in violation of the UN's sanctions and
the peace agreement he signed, to develop and produce chemical and
biological weapons for war and terror. Most troubling, he continues
to develop nuclear weapons and may be as little as a year or two
away from success. As a nuclear physicist, I know the destructive
force of nuclear weapons. If a weapon of the type he is developing
was detonated over Calder Plaza, the blast would devastate all of
Grand Rapids and the near suburbs, a firestorm would consume the
rest of the suburbs and a lethal dose of radiation would envelop
much of the downwind area. All told, upwards of 300,000 people would
be killed. Saddam Hussein's regime poses a very real threat to the
safety of the United States, the safety of his own people and, indeed,
the safety of the rest of the world.
Early in this debate, I thought President Bush and his advisers
were seeking to strike Iraq preemptively. But I found they view
that as a final alternative, not a first step. The Bush Administration
continues to work with the UN and our allies to build a coalition
and seek a peaceful end to this situation through inspections and
disarmament. However, we must grant the president the power to take
action against Iraq because Hussein will not acquiesce until he
faces a superior force. We may have to put troops on Iraq's border
before he will comply, but I hope, along with many others in Congress
and the Administration, that military action ultimately will not
be necessary.
I abhor the idea of the U.S. making a preemptive strike. Our philosophy
has always been to take the first punch before we act. But when
the first punch can destroy a city and kill hundreds of thousands
of people, we must consider ways to stop that first punch.
I commend President Bush for his recent speeches in which he more
clearly stated his intentions and reasons for requesting this resolution.
I also commend him for working with Congress to craft a resolution
that is not as broad as his original proposal and meets many of
the concerns raised by Congress and our constituents. The legislative
process has worked in structuring the approach and limiting action
to only Iraq.
And so, after many days and weeks of thoughtful and prayerful
consideration, I've decided to support this resolution. In this
case, I've concluded not acting is more dangerous than acting.
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