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Foreign Affairs
Israel and the Middle East
* Sudan and Darfur *
Syria and Lebanon * United
Nations *
Experts
and Celebrities Join to Discuss Non-Proliferation and the
Limits of Unilateralism
While the Cold War is over, the world is a more dangerous
place today. More and more nations are obtaining sophisticated
weapons technology and the absence of a second superpower
has led to increased outbreaks of violence and civil strife.
Whereas the United States once focused its attentions almost
exclusively on the Soviet Union, now we must train our eye
on Afghanistan and the Persian Gulf, Russia and Chechnya,
China and Taiwan, India and Pakistan, Africa, and the Balkans,
to name just a few areas of conflict.
Israel and the Middle East
I am concerned about the stalled peace process in Israel.
The tensions and violence between Israelis and Palestinians
have been going on for far too long, and it has become very
clear that there can be no peace for either side unless there
is freedom for both.
In January 2006, Hamas, an internationally-recognized terrorist
organization, won a majority of seats in the Palestinian legislature.
This election is of great concern to me and many others and
presents a major challenge to the peace process. There is
simply no way our government can meet with or provide assistance
to a government led by a terrorist organization.
On February 15, 2006, I voted for S.Con.Res. 79, a resolution
expressing the sense of Congress that no United States assistance
should be provided directly to the Palestinian Authority if
any representative political party holding a majority of parliamentary
seats maintains a position calling for the destruction of
Israel. This resolution passed by a vote of 418 to 1.
I am also a cosponsor of H.R. 4681, the Palestinian Anti-Terrorism
Act. This legislation prohibits direct assistance to the Palestinian
Authority (PA) unless the:
- President certifies that no ministry or agency within
the PA is controlled
by a foreign terrorist organization;
- PA has publicly acknowledged Israel's right to exist
as a
Jewish state;
- PA recommits itself and is adhering to previous agreements
and
understandings with Israel and the international community
related to the
Roadmap to Peace; and
- PA has taken effective steps to dismantle terrorist networks
within the Palestinian territories.
Unless this certification is made, H.R. 4681 also limits
U.S. foreign assistance to be used by non-governmental organizations
(NGOs) in the Palestinian territories unless it is for basic
human needs such as food and medicine. Other forms of aid
provided by NGOs may be provided if the President determines
that the provision of such assistance will further the national
security interests of the United States.
H.R. 4681 also requires reforms at the United Nations (UN)
as it pertains to work done in the Palestinian territories,
designates the territory controlled by the PA as a terrorist
sanctuary, denies most visas for PA officials and limits travel
by any PA representative while in the United States.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice stated recently that
participants in a democratic political process cannot simultaneously
keep an option on politics and an option on violence. Unfortunately,
that is the case that has unfolded in the Palestinian territories.
Hamas ran a campaign based on cleaning out the corruption
of the Fatah party. The Palestinian people responded to this
pledge, but sadly in the process elected a terrorist government.
Unless Hamas recognizes the State of Israel's right to exist,
ceases incitement and permanently disarms and dismantles their
terrorist infrastructure, the United States will not work
with this government, nor can we expect Israel to.
Last year's election of Mahmoud Abbas, following Yasser Arafat's
death, presented a tremendous opportunity for the Palestinians,
Israelis and the international community to renew their efforts
in support of the roadmap to peace. I am concerned, however,
that with the ascension of a Hamas-led legislature, it will
be extremely difficult to negotiate for peace in good faith.
I have long believed that for peace to occur, the Palestinian
Authority must cease using terrorist tactics and supporting
terrorist groups and the Israeli government must close down
most of its settlements in the West Bank and Gaza. I also
believe peace cannot be imposed on either party; it must be
a mutual agreement. But it is has become increasingly clear
to me that a more active role on the part of the United States
and other nations is necessary to effect change and stem the
violence.
You may be interested to know, in October 2005, I wrote to
Secretary Rice urging the appointment of a special envoy for
Arab-Israeli relations. It is clear to me that sustained,
high-level attention to the Arab-Israeli issue is essential
to the success of U.S. efforts to bring stability to the region
and implement the Road Map to Peace.
The terrorist attacks on Israeli civilians are no different
than the cowardly attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon.
President Abbas will need to find a way to work with the new
legislature crack down on the Palestinians perpetrating these
crimes. He must also use his position to lower the anti-Israel
rhetoric exacerbating tensions. Ultimately, Israel has the
right -- and the obligation -- to defend its citizens and
status as a nation.
I will continue to support an active U.S. role in the Middle
East peace process because the suffering of people -- destined
to live on the same piece of land -- is too great, and the
stakes for them too high.
Sudan and Darfur
I am very concerned about the violence in Sudan, especially
in the Darfur region. It is one of the great tragedies of
our time and resolving this crisis should be one of our nation's
highest priorities.
The United States must be resolute in our declaration that
the atrocities in Sudan constitute genocide and call on the
world, including the African Union (AU), to respond. We should
significantly strengthen sanctions against the government
in Khartoum and encourage other nations to do the same. Finally,
we must provide desperately needed humanitarian assistance.
On April 5, 2006, I voted for H.R. 3127, the Darfur Peace
and Accountability Act, which passed the House by a vote of
416 to 3. I was also a cosponsor of this legislation, which,
in my judgment, was long overdue. H.R. 3127 authorizes the
President to provide assistance to reinforce the deployment
and operations of an expanded African Union peacekeeping force
(AMIS). H.R. 3127 also directs the President to instruct the
U.S. Permanent Representative to the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) to advocate NATO reinforcement of AMIS,
upon request of the African Union.
The Senate passed similar legislation in November, and it
is my hope the House and Senate will resolve differences in
this legislation and send it to the President for his signature
promptly.
On March 16, 2006, I voted for an amendment to H.R. 4939,
the Emergency Supplemental Appropriations Act for Defense,
the Global War on Terror, and Hurricane Recovery, to increase
funding for African Union peacekeepers in Darfur by $50 million.
While I recognize the UN is considering replacing AMIS peacekeepers
in the region, I supported this amendment, which passed by
a vote of 213 to 208, because we cannot wait for the UN to
act. The Senate has yet to act on this legislation.
I am also concerned about the slow response of the AMIS to
the crisis in Darfur. The limited mandate of the AU force
which has been deployed to Sudan, logistical and financial
troubles of the organization, and the size of the force have
made its mission inefficient, according to many observers.
On April 14, 2005, I joined 66 of my colleagues in writing
to Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, who is the Chairman
of the African Union, urging him to expand the mandate of
the AU's mission in Sudan to protect civilians in danger.
In our letter, we wrote:
Tens of thousands of people have died since the deployment
of AMIS forces to Darfur. The principal mandate of the mission,
which is to monitor and report ceasefire violations, has
been
repeatedly violated by both sides. We strongly believe that
the
principal mandate of AMIS should be to protect civilians
and end
the violence.
You may be interested to know, on October 7, 2004, I voted
for H.R. 5061, the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act, when
it passed the House by a vote of 412 to 3 because I believe
we need a comprehensive response to the crisis. I am pleased
the President signed this legislation into law on December
23, 2004.
Specifically, H.R. 5061 authorizes a total of $450 million,
including $100 million in fiscal year 2005 (FY 05) through
FY 07 to halt the genocide and facilitate peace talks. The
remaining $150 million was authorized for humanitarian assistance
in FY 05. The legislation bans U.S. visas for senior Sudanese
government officials until the president certifies that Sudan
has made significant progress in protecting human rights.
Sudan would also be banned from trading in U.S. capital markets,
and the secretary of the Treasury would have to send Congress
an annual report on all U.S. businesses with dealings in Sudan.
Syria and Lebanon
On October 16, 2003, I voted for H.R. 1828, which passed
the House by a vote of 420 to 0. This legislation imposes
a variety of penalties on Syria until it ends its support
for terrorism, withdraws from Lebanon and stops developing
weapons of mass destruction. It is time to send a message
to Damascus that Syria must rejoin the family of responsible
nations.
I have some serious concerns about Syria's actions since
the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq. I am pleased
Syria has shown some signs that it is willing to cooperate
with the international community, but remain concerned about
its continued support of terrorism and possession of weapons
of mass destruction.
Numerous terrorist groups, including Hezbollah and Hamas,
maintain offices or training camps in Syria or areas of Syria-occupied
Lebanon. As a result, Syria, which the State Department classifies
as a terrorist state, is in clear violation of UN Security
Council Resolution 1373, which directs all states to "refrain
from providing any form of support" for terrorists.
In addition to undermining regional stability by harboring
terrorist groups, Syria's 25,000-strong occupation force has
denied Lebanon its internationally guaranteed sovereignty
and political independence. As called for in UN Security Council
Resolution 520, it is time that Lebanon is run by the Lebanese,
not the al-Asad regime in Damascus.
I am also deeply concerned about Syrian efforts to field
chemical and biological weapons and its development of longer
range ballistic missiles. As President Bush affirmed in his
2002 State of the Union address, the United States must strive
"to deny terrorists and their state sponsors the materials,
technology, and expertise to make and deliver weapons of mass
destruction."
Successive administrations have tried to engage Syria through
diplomacy, but have been largely unsuccessful. H.R. 1828 provides
new tools to hold Syria accountable for its destabilizing
policies.
United Nations
I strongly support repaying the United States' debt to the
United Nations
(UN) and am pleased to report that Congress and the Administration
are repaying our longstanding debt to the world body. The
agreement reached between the United States and the UN calls
on our country to repay its debt in three annual installments
totaling $926 million.
The path toward this agreement was a long and difficult one.
In 1997 and 1998, I joined with Congressmen Ben Gilman and
Jim Leach in working to defeat two amendments offered by Congressman
Roscoe Bartlett which would have eliminated a total of $575
million in funding for UN arrearages. The amendments failed
by votes of 165 to 242 and 151 to 279, respectively.
In March of 1999, I introduced H.R. 1355, the United Nations
Arrears Payment Act, on a bipartisan basis with Representatives
Nita Lowey, Jim Leach, and Eliot Engel. This legislation garnered
more than 100 cosponsors and helped influence the final outcome
by further illustrating the strong support in Congress for
paying our arrears.
In my judgment, every day in which we did not pay our debts
to the UN, we lost our ability to shape world events. Countries
all over the world look to the United States for leadership.
But, until now, what they had seen was a powerful and wealthy
country with a massive UN debt it would not pay -- a country
that repeatedly refused to seize the mantle of leadership
and live up to its international commitments.
I will continue to support an active U.S. role at the United
Nations, as it continues to combat terrorism, promote economic
growth and assist other countries in moving towards democracy.
For more information on foreign affairs issues, visit the
U.S.
Department of State.
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